Bit coin Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Bit coin - Essay Example As Boardman, Sondomir and Sondak (38) argues, the primary aim of Nakamoto was to create a form of online currency in order to circumvent payment processing technicalities which online traders were facing. Specifically, the entry of the transactions on the ledger or mining processes had become difficult if not impossible to such users. Apart from the mining, digital currency can be a form of exchange of currency, goods, and services. Through Bitcoins, users can make purchases of goods, send, and receive the money via electronic means for a small fee and with the help of wallet application on an Internet-enabled gadget. The virtual currency as a system of payment for commodities purchased online has undergone rapid growth, and businesspersons have an advantage to enjoy the use of the currency owing to its lower than the 3 percent typically charged for loading and or use of credit cards. Nonetheless, many governments from around the world have been hesitant to welcome the use of the currency within their respective jurisdictions, with some warning their citizens against the use of the service due to its lack of consumer safeguards. Bitcoins are vulnerable to theft and chargeback defaults. As Boardman, Sondomir and Sondak (12-29) have indicated, the use of the currency for commercial purposes is still minimal and largely preferred by speculators. This alone has added to the lots of worries and its volatility, hence the fear of the bubble effect. Bitcoin speculators have contributed to the bubble effect theory explaining the unpredictable future of the currency. This is especially true considering that speculators who top the list of Bitcoin users argue that with $200 in one’s virtual account now, the value of the money will increase to $600 or $1,000, since they will find people who are willing to buy it at that higher price. The buying of the currency in hope that the value would increase is a serious flaw in the thinking

With rreference to recent case law discuss the impact of the human Essay

With rreference to recent case law discuss the impact of the human rights act 1998 on the doctrine of parliamentary supremacy - Essay Example The UK Constitution is rightly deemed an unconventional, uncodified constitution that is a pragmatic product of experience and experiment. Central to the UK Constitution is the doctrine of parliamentary supremacy which endows the UK Parliament an overweening supremacy above all other governmental institutions including the executive and the judiciary. As defined by Albert Dicey, it is a doctrine wherein the Parliament has â€Å"the right to make or unmake any law whatever and further, that no person or body is recognised by the law of England as having a right to override or set aside the legislation of Parliament.†3 Parliament is not bound by its predecessor. In other words, it confers upon the Parliament the title â€Å"Supreme Lawmaker† by which the notion of judicial review does not apply. Thus, no court is allowed to question the validity of an Act of Parliament. Moreover, the Parliament’s legislative competence is rendered unlimited and by ordinary Act of Parliament it is empowered to alter any aspect of the existing Constitution. This doctrine had been questioned but was upheld in the Madzimbamuto case with finality, holding that if Parliament chose to enact a law that is improper or immoral, â€Å"the court will not hold the Act of Parliament invalid†.4 This doctrine had also been lambasted by such judges as Lord Chief Justice Woolf on the ground that it causes the British courts to become a weakened judiciary, stripped of the power of judicial review and the power to interpret civil rights implications while the Parliament is free to enact any legislation that it desires.5 It is a reality though, that the doctrine of parliamentary supremacy was threatened and suffered an erosion when UK decided to become a member of the European Union in 1972 and had to accede to European laws and the principle of the supremacy of European union law. The case Costa v ENEL

Network Security Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Network Security - Research Paper Example Network Security Introduction: Network security is a fairly confusing and complicated subject that has historically been tackled only by experts and experienced professionals. Nonetheless, increased wiring among people in the networked world has increased the need for people to perceive and master the fundamentals of security. This paper has been written with the basic information systems manager and computer user into focus so that they may acquire sufficient knowledge to hype in the market, identify potential threats and to tackle them appropriately. First, a bit of networking history is discussed. This discussion is followed by the introduction to internetworking as well as TCP/IP. Later, risk management, firewalls, and potential network threats will be discussed in order to elaborate the purpose of secure networking tools and devices. This paper is intended to lend the audience a broad perspective of the network security in general, and a sense to identify, manage and reduce risk s both at home and the workplace in particular. In order to sufficiently comprehend the rules and traits of network security, it is imperative that an individual has some basic knowledge of computer networks. Therefore, it is customary to briefly discuss the foundations of computer networking before moving over to the popular networks and their security. What is a Network? A network may be defined as a set in which lines that resemble a net interlink with one another. It is essentially a system of interconnected lines. Like any network, a network of computer essentially has many computers interlinked with one another. There are numerous ways to interconnect the computers. There are seven layers of communications types with interfaces according to the Reference Model of the International Standards Organization (ISO) / Open Systems Interconnect (OSI) as shown in the figure below: â€Å"The ISO/OSI Reference Model† (Curtin, 1997). Each layer is dependent upon the services of the immediately lower layer. This pattern follows until one gets on the lowest layer of physical network. This can be best understood by drawing a comparison between this model and something of everyday use like a telephone. A telephone is the means of transmittal of message between two people when they are sufficiently away to be out of each other’s earshot. Same happens at the application layer of the ISO/OSI model. The telephones serve the purpose by converting the sound into electronic pulses which may be transmitted back and forth through the wire. Layers underneath the application layer serve the very purpose. Both sets of the telephone need to be connected into a switch which is an essential component of the network of switches of the telephone system. In order to make a call, an individual needs to pick the receiver up and dial the desired extension or number. This number indicates the central office which the request goes to so that a phone from that office rings up. Th e individual at the other end picks up the receiver and the conversation begins. Computer networks have a similar way to function. Some Popular Networks: A lot of networks have been identified and employed over the last 2.5 decades or more. In this paper, two of them will be looked into. Both of the networks are public networks, that essentially means that either of them can be connected by anyone. People can

Political Aspects of Wireless Electricity Essay Example for Free

Political Aspects of Wireless Electricity Essay It is no secret that politics plays a big role when it comes to the introduction of the wireless electricity. Some parties are for it, as it can allow for slightly greener ways of powering devices, new jobs, and easier access. But others are against it, seeing the change as a threat to old ways of doing things, as well as a way for people to access electricity for free. Though wireless transmissions and the idea of wireless electricity have existed for quite some time, the actual possibility of creating usable, accessible wireless electricity is just now starting to become a reality. With wireless electricity looming on the horizon, more and more politicians, civilians, and companies are beginning to stand behind the idea; but that has not always been the case. Politics first began working their way into wireless electricity in 1905, when J. P. Morgan pulled all of his funding from Nikola Tesla’s Wardenclyffe Tower project when he erroneously began to believe that it could lead to free electricity for all (Haliburton, 2006). It is that same type of thinking that has helped to keep wireless electricity out of the mainstream for so long. However, information and general knowledge about wireless electricity has come far, and that type of thinking is quickly disappearing. With the recent surge of environmental and financial awareness, people are quickly beginning to gravitate towards the idea of wireless electricity. Even power companies are getting behind the idea, seeing a way to expand their business. Though the idea of wireless electricity has just begun to reemerge, it will quickly become a hot political topic, just as other forms of alternative energy have. The question is this: Will the general public and politicians continue to gravitate towards this new concept? And if they do, how long will it be until wireless electricity becomes the norm?

Factors that Increase Sensitivity to Nicotine Dependence

Factors that Increase Sensitivity to Nicotine Dependence Age of tobacco use initiation, concomitant tobacco use and nicotine dependence Ziyue Wu Abstract Introduction The growing use of tobacco products have strong negative effects on public health conditions such as cardiovascular disease, cancer and lung disease (MacKenzie, Bartecchi, Schrier, 1994). As the leading cause of preventable death in the U.S., tobacco use has been linked to the death of approximately 5 million people annually (Jha, Chaloupka, Moore, Gajalakshmi, Gupta, Peck, Asma Zatonski, 2006). Given the addictive nature of nicotine, many tobacco users are likely to become chronic smokers and to have difficulty achieving successful cessation. Most research on tobacco use has focused on cigarette smoking. Ethnicity and gender have been found to be associated with cigarette smoking behavior (Hu et al., 2006[LD1]). Further, psychiatric disorders have been shown to contribute to the transition from daily smoking to nicotine dependence (Dierker Donny, 2007; Breslau et al., 1998). Despite the large number of studies examining cigarette smoking and nicotine dependence, risk for dependence based on other types of tobacco use have received far less research attention. Different types of tobacco use (cigarette, cigar, pipe smoking, snuff, tobacco chewing) may predict nicotine dependence differently. Such difference may be more significant between smokeless tobacco users and smokers. Moreover, little is known about combined effects of tobacco use on risk for nicotine dependence. ways of tobacco use. Different types of tobacco use (cigarette, cigar, pipe smoking, snuff, tobacco chewing) may predict nicotine dependence differently. Such difference may be more significant between smokeless tobacco users and smokers. Concomitant smokers may follow a unique pattern. Also, age of the initiation of tobacco use may be correlated with current usage amount and number of ways of tobacco use. It remains uncertain that whether individuals with earlier onsets of tobacco use have greater risk of becoming nicotine dependent and using tobacco concomitantly. [LD2] By examining the data from The National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC), this study sought to (a) understand whether different ways of consuming tobacco might lead to different levels of sensitivity to nicotine dependence; (b) discover whether age of initiation of tobacco using behavior contributes to different levels of sensitivity to nicotine dependence; (c) find out whether age of initiation is associated with concomitant tobacco use, especially combined use of smokeless tobacco and smoking; (d) discover that which ways of tobacco did most concomitant users used first.[LD3] Method Sample The sample was taken from the first wave of the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC). NESARC, described by Grant et al. (2006publication year?)., has an unprecedented large sample size (n=43,093) to achieve stable estimates of even rare conditions. It represents the civilian, noninstitutionalized adult population of the United States, including residents of the District of Columbia, Alaska, and Hawaii. People that lived in households, military personnel that lived off base, and people that lived group quarters: boarding or rooming houses, nontransient hotels and motels, shelters, facilities for housing workers, college quarters, and group homes (Grant et al, publication year), were interviewed in a computer-assisted personal basis after consenting to participate. The present analyses were based on all the respondents. This sample was chosen to assess both current tobacco users and tobacco abstainers. Measures Use of Tobacco products use was measured by asking respondents whether they had used cigarettes/ cigars/ pipes/ snuffs/ chewing tobacco these products in past twelve month (â€Å"Had you used cigarettes/ cigars/ pipes/ snuffs/ chewing tobacco in past twelve months?†). Frequency of Ccurrent tobacco use was measured with the question ing behavior was evaluated by the frequency (â€Å"How often did you use cigarettes/ cigars/ pipes/ snuffs/ chewing tobacco in past twelve months?†) and quantity was measured with the question (â€Å"What was the usual quantity when you used them?†). Usage quantities of certain kinds of tobacco per month were estimated by multiplying midpoint of the range of each reported frequency per month and reported usual usage quantity. Age related measures selected as third variables and control variables included age, age at the onset of certain kinds of smoking behavior (â€Å"How old were you when you first used cigarettes/ cigars/ pipes/ snuffs/ chewing tobacco?†), age at the onset of using them daily use (â€Å"How old were you when you started using them daily?†), age at the onset of tobacco using behavior (â€Å"How old were you when using tobacco at the first time?†) and age at the onset of everyday tobacco useing behavior (â€Å"How old were you when starting to use tobacco daily?†). A variable reflecting number of kinds of tobacco used was created to separate concomitant tobacco users from single way users. For concomitant tobacco users, I created variables to show the current combination of ways in tobacco use and the combination of ways when the respondents started using tobacco[LD4][EW5]. A variable reflecting the number of years since the respondents started using tobacco w as also created by subtracting the age at the onset of tobacco using initiation from age at the interview. A categorical variable was also created to describe which combinations of tobacco use the respondents fell into, single way smoking, single way smokeless tobacco, concomitant use of smoking, concomitant use of smokeless tobacco, or concomitant use of smoking and smokeless tobacco. NICE!! Nicotine dependence related variable was â€Å"Nicotine dependence in past twelve month†. Data Analyses In the first question asked, Logistic regression was estimated to determinesee whether different ways of tobacco usieng predicted nicotine dependence independently. For the secondA second set of question, another logistic regression analyses were was conducted within each type of tobacco using behavior, with controlvariables for amount used usage amount, age, ethnicity and gender controlled, to verify the correlation between the age of initiation and probability in getting nicotine dependent. A two way interaction tested by Pearson Correlation Test was conducted to examinefind out association between age of initiation of tobacco using and current number of tobacco use ways. [LD6] Results Different tobacco uses and nicotine dependence More than one fourth (25.80%) of the respondents reported some forms of tobacco use in past 12 months. Among those who used tobacco in past 12 months, 89.216% (n=9,913) smoked cigarettes, 10.106% (n=1,119) smoked cigars, 1.93% (n=215) used pipes, 6.548% (n=720) used snuffs and 4.52% (N=502) chewed tobacco. Further, the number of average cigarettes smoked per month climbed towas 186.26 (SD=332.32), whereas the numbers of monthly uses of cigars, pipe smoking, snuffs and chewing tobacco are onlywere 2.108 (SD=27.61), 2.879 (SD=28.70), 4.108 (SD=38.38) and 1.94 (SD=24.71), respectively.. [EW7] Logistic regression was used to examine the association between different kinds of tobacco use and nicotine dependence, with covariatescontrolling for of age of tobacco use initiation, years using tobacco, ethnicity and gender. Cigarettes, snuffs and chewing tobacco were positively associated with nicotine dependence, while cigars and pipe smoking failed to independently predict nicotine dependence. [EW8] Age of onset, tobacco usage amount, and nicotine dependence The average age of onset of tobacco use was 16.548 (SD=5.21) years old, and the average number of years using tobacco was 32.108 (SD=17.37) years old. Of 18,943 subjects who reported ever using tobacco, 77.656% (n=14,693) started before adulthood. Logistic regression was used to estimate the association between age of initiation and nicotine dependence. Covariates included years using tobacco, ethnicity, gender and tobacco use. Age of onset of tobacco use was found to be negatively related to nicotine dependence, with earlier onsets associated with higher risks for nicotine dependence. Moreover, multiple regression was used to estimate the correlation between age of initiation and current tobacco useage amount, also with variables forcontrolling for years using tobacco, ethnicity and gender controlled. For users of most popular type of tobacco use, cigarette smokingers showed strong positive relationship between age of onset of cigarette smoking and amount of current smoking amount. Earlier onsets actually elevated was associated with a higher current cigarette smoking amount. NAnd number of cigarettes consumed was found directly linkedto be positively associated with likelihood of experiencing to nicotine dependence[LD9]. This result might serve as another clue for earlier onsets probably promoted risks for nicotine dependence. [EW10] Concomitant tobacco users and single way users Among theose 11,118 respondents who reported tobacco use in past 12 months, 10.3% (n=1,149) of them were concomitant users. Also, among 1144 concomitant tobacco users (total 1149) with available data, 54.655% (n=624) hadof them started smoking cigarettes as the first way to of usinge tobacco. In total, 71.3% (n=816) of respondents started using tobacco in smoking forms (cigarettes, cigars, pipes or combined smoking). Only 20.72% (n=237) of respondents first started using tobacco in smokeless form (snuffs, tobacco chewing or combined smokeless tobacco). The rest, only 8.39% (n=96) of respondents, first used tobacco in both smoking and smokeless tobacco. Also, among 1034 daily concomitant tobacco users, 70.50% (n=729) started smoking cigarettes first. REALLY NICE!! Outcome of the Pearson correlation tests for age of tobacco use initiation and current numbers of ways used showed a small, significant negative correlation (r= -0.11, pwas associated with a larger number of ways of using tobacco. elevated the probability in becoming tobacco co-users. Moreover, tobacco users were separated into different categories, single way smoking, single way smokeless tobacco, concomitant use of smoking, concomitant use of smokeless tobacco, or concomitant use of smoking and smokeless tobacco. Chi-square test was conducted to examine each of two different categories and nicotine dependence. Single way smokeless tobacco users were found to have lower probabilities of becoming nicotine dependence than all the other groups of users, except of the concomitant use of smokeless tobacco users. Also, the group of concomitant use of smokeless tobacco users were also found to have lower probabilities of nicotine dependence than co-users of smoking and smokeless tobacco[LD11]. [EW12] Discussion The present study sought to examine whether age of onset of tobacco use was associated with nicotine dependence and numbers of kinds of tobacco used. The study also aimed to examine whether different kinds of tobacco use were differently related to nicotine dependence. Further, itToabccoTobacco use was also examined amongthe tobacco use of concomitant users. Four major findings appeared. First, different ways of tobacco use were actually associated with nicotine dependence differently. Whereas cigars and pipe smoking failed to independently predict nicotine dependence, the other three kinds of tobacco, cigarettes, pipe smoking, snuffs and chewing tobacco were independently positively related to nicotine dependence. Second, age of onset of tobacco use was associated with nicotine dependence. An earlier initiation of tobacco use enhanced the probability of getting nicotine dependence. Third, age of onset of tobacco use also had correlation with number of kinds of tobacco use. An earlie r onset also elevated the probability of becoming concomitant users. Lastly, most of the co-users of tobacco started with smoking cigarettes. The finding of different directions of association with nicotine dependence in various kinds of tobacco may be explained by discrete habits and intentions of tobacco use. Of the five kinds of tobacco, cigars and pipe smoking failed to independently predict nicotine dependence (p=0.40). Two facts may be the causes of this may explain this explainationsexplanations phenomenon. First,First, most of the cigar smokers and pipe smokers were concomitant smokers. AIt is possible that among all cigar smokers (n=1,119) and pipe smokers (n=215), 62.02% (n=694) of cigar smokers and 74.88% (n=161) of pipe smokers were concomitant tobacco users. Second, most cigar smokers and pipe smokers did not consume large amount of cigar products. 80.07% (n= 896) of cigar users smoked less than or equal to 14 cigars per month. 60.93% (n=[LD13]131) [EW14]of pipe smokers used pipe smoking 18 times or less. Such small dose of intake may not result in enough variety of nicotine dependence. To sum up, cigar users and pipe users probably consumed these products not for satisfying the desire for nicotine but simply for a hobby. The correlation between age of tobacco use initiation and nicotine dependence showed that early initiation enhanced increased the probability of nicotine dependence. In the case of a special substance, the cigarette smoking, early initiation also elevated the current useage amount. of tobacco product[LD15]. This outcome is consistent with previous literature that stated early age of onset was associated with heavy smoking in later life (Chen Millar, 1998). Although early age of onset has been evaluated with its potential to enhance tobacco use amount, difficulty in tobacco cessation (Chen Millar, 1998; Khuder et al., 1999) and tobacco use frequency (Taioli Wynder, 1991), result of the present study has initiated strong implication that age of onset may also directly influence the possibility of becoming nicotine dependent. Moreover, the relationship between age of tobacco initiation and current kinds of tobacco use indicated that early onset also promoted the probability of becoming a current polytobacco users. Previous researchers have discovered that evidence that gender, ethnicity, education and income are related to concomitant tobacco use (Bombard, Pederson, Nelson Malarcher, 2007). However, the present study has shown evidence for the association between age of tobacco use onset and concomitant tobacco users. Further, the present study showed that a significantly large proportion of concomitant users started using tobacco by smoking cigarettes, and then stepped initiated into other kinds of tobacco. The direction of shifting among different tobacco products has been studied by others, and several various results have emerged. While some have suggested that smokeless tobacco products may act as gateway substances to cigarette smoking (Hatsukami, Nelson Jensen, 1991; Haddock et al., 2001), others have also proposed that cigarette smoking initiates smokeless tobacco use (Riley et al., 1996). There are also some researchers that have claimed none of them initiates the other (Wetter et al., 2002). The outcome of the present study suggests that cigarette smoking is likely to precede smokeless tobacco use. In the pair comparisons of different combinations of tobacco use, the group that only used one kind of smokeless tobacco showed a significantly lower probability ofin becoming nicotine dependent than groups of single way smokers, concomitant smokers and co-users of smoking and smokeless tobacco. The only group that was not significantly different did not show significantce variation in sensitivity to nicotine dependence from the group of single way smokeless tobacco users was the group of concomitant smokeless [LD16]tobacco users. One of the reasonable explanation of such phenomenon is that smokeless tobacco may be less addictive than smoking (Henningfield, Fant Tomar, 1997). Another explanation is that smokeless tobacco users might use less amount of tobacco products per month. The ANOVA of the combined amount of tobacco products used per month was conducted to test whether smokeless tobacco users had smaller amount of tobacco use. The result showed that the average usage amount of single way smokeless tobacco users was 97.94, which was significantly lower than those of single way smokers, concomitant smokers and concomitant users of smoking and smokeless tobacco, which were 408.22, 460.77 and 584.38. Strengths and limitations There are several limitations in the present study. First, only frequency of use and usual use quantity were available for estimating the amount of the tobacco products used per month. Such calculation was incomplete for reflecting the actual amount of use. Moreover, there was no measure for Conclusions and implications OUTLINE Briefly summarizing what you found (Summary) Take the main sentences of the results, don’t keep changing the words Finding 1, 2, 3: linking them to previous literature When talk about literature, don’t keep writing about the results Strengths and limitations Conclusions and implications: what should future research look at References Breslau, N., Peterson, E. L., Schultz, L. R., Chilcoat, H. D., Andreski, P. (1998). Major depression and stages of smoking: a longitudinal investigation.Archives of general Psychiatry,55(2), 161-166. Chen, J., Millar, W. J. (1998). Age of smoking initiation: implications for quitting.HEALTH REPORTS-STATISTICS CANADA,9, 39-48. Dierker, L., Donny, E. (2008). The role of psychiatric disorders in the relationship between cigarette smoking and DSM-IV nicotine dependence among young adults.Nicotine Tobacco Research,10(3), 439-446. Grant, B. F., Dawson, D. A. (2006). Introduction to the national epidemiologic survey on alcohol and related conditions.Alcohol Health Research World,29(2), 74. Haddock, C. K., Weg, M. V., DeBon, M., Klesges, R. C., Talcott, G. W., Lando, H., Peterson, A. (2001). Evidence that smokeless tobacco use is a gateway for smoking initiation in young adult males.Preventive medicine,32(3), 262-267. Hatsukami, D., Nelson, R., Jensen, J. (1991). Smokeless tobacco: Current status and future directions.British Journal of Addiction,86(5), 559-563. Hatsukami, D. K., Lemmonds, C., Tomar, S. L. (2004). Smokeless tobacco use: harm reduction or induction approach?.Preventive medicine,38(3), 309-317. Henningfield, J. E., Fant, R. V., Tomar, S. L. (1997). Smokeless tobacco: an addicting drug.Advances in dental research,11(3), 330-335. Hu, M. C., Davies, M., Kandel, D. B. (2006). Epidemiology and correlates of daily smoking and nicotine dependence among young adults in the United States.American Journal of Public Health,96(2), 299-308. Jha, P., Chaloupka, F. J., Moore, J., Gajalakshmi, V., Gupta, P. C., Peck, R., Zatonski, W. (2006). Tobacco addiction. Khuder, S. A., Dayal, H. H., Mutgi, A. B. (1999). Age at smoking onset and its effect on smoking cessation.Addictive behaviors,24(5), 673-677. MacKenzie, T. D., Bartecchi, C. E., Schrier, R. W. (1994). The human costs of tobacco use. New England Journal of Medicine, 330(14), 975-980. Riley, W. T., Kaugars, G. E., Grisius, T. M., Page, D. G., Burns, J. C., Svirsky, J. A. (1996). Adult smokeless tobacco use and age of onset.Addictive behaviors,21(1), 135-138. Taioli, E., Wynder, E. L. (1991). Effect of the age at which smoking begins on frequency of smoking in adulthood.N Engl J Med,325(13), 968-969. Wetter, D. W., McClure, J. B., de Moor, C., Cofta-Gunn, L., Cummings, S., Cinciripini, P. M., Gritz, E. R. (2002). Concomitant use of cigarettes and smokeless tobacco: prevalence, correlates, and predictors of tobacco cessation.Preventive medicine,34(6), 638-648. [LD1]You need to say what ethnic groups or which gender are more likely to use tobacco. It is not enough to say ethnicity and gender are associated with tobacco use. [LD2]This needs to be preceded by what the literature has shown on age of onset. In its current form, the paragraph comes a bit from left field for the reader. [LD3]You can include this in your results, but I don’t think it is on par with your other questions, so it does not need to be included here. [LD4]Not sure how to edit this, but a little less clear than earlier descriptions. [EW5]Describe the categories [LD6] We can discuss. [EW7]One decimal place for percentage and number Two decimal places for SD and SE [EW8]Add the sentence stating the likelihood, odd ratios and confidence intervals [LD9]Logistic regression? [EW10]Maybe I can delete it [LD11]Add the actual rates to this sentence. [EW12]Should I add some more details? [LD13] [EW14]Decide whether to delete it or put it in the result part [LD15] [LD16]

Motivation rewards

Motivation rewards You have to get rewarded in the soul and the wallet. The money isnt enough, but a plaque isnt enough either (Hymowitz, Murray, 1999, 4). Motivation-the willingness to exert oneself, consequent of the afore-implied intrinsic and extrinsic incentives, is fundamental to the prosperity of individuals, groups, organizations and society; for absent of this, there exists a lack of satisfaction, productivity and willpower that ultimately leads to inefficiency, dissatisfaction and management constraints. It is the aim of this paper to contest traditional views, by asserting that pay is of equal importance as job-design in achieving motivation-which will in turn provide an appreciation that both job-design and pay act as complementary factors in inducing varying levels of motivation, greatly dependent upon circumstance. This will be accomplished through the exploration of the individual implications of job-design and pay, through the application of practical examples, empirical research and mo tivational theories. Job-design is a comprehensive term, and for clarification purposes, it will within this paper include: working environment, relationships, feedback, achievement, responsibility and lastly, growth and developmental opportunities. Hereafter, aspects of job-design which motivate simply through the activity itself, such as feedback, achievement, responsibility, growth and development will be referred to as intrinsic factors; conversely, aspects of job-design which motivate through the anticipation of external rewards, such as changes in the working environment, status through relationships and mainly pay, shall be referred to as extrinsic factors (Deci, 1972). Similarly, pay in this paper refers to salary, pay-per-performance schemes, and any other form of monetary compensation. Furthering this, Herzbergs hygiene-motivator theory examines the intricate relationship between the extrinsic and intrinsic components of job-design. The theory associates extrinsic aspects of job-design with the hygiene factors, of which the absence or inadequate development will result in dissatisfaction, thereby prohibiting motivation from occurring; however, when adequately present, motivation is still not attainable solely based on those factors (Herzberg, 1987). Conversely, the factors which are claimed to motivate are those of intrinsic nature, being capable of stimulating psychological growth. Upon application to conventional employment, it is commonly accepted that few individuals are able to dedicatedly pursue a goal, if exposed to inappropriate atmospheres, harassing superiors or neglectful colleagues. Thereby, it is understood that prerequisites of extrinsic factors must suffice, and only thereafter could an individual be satisfied and hence motivated by undertaking work which stimulates psychologically. Thus, it is imperative to understand that the visible extent of intrinsic factors available in the design of a specific job, will ultimately dictate the extent to which an individual can be motivated. Alternatively, job characteristics theory suggests that motivation of employees is best achieved through the application of meaningful work-characterised by skill variety, task identity and task significance, for which the employee is personally responsible, and receives clear feedback regarding performance (Hackman, Lee, 1979). Thereby, the perceived purposefulness of a job, which is then reinforced through feedback, indicates that the design of a job in terms of potential achievement and its recognition, responsibility and consequently growth and development through significant contribution-all intrinsic factors, will determine the attitude of an employee, and hence will reflect upon the perceived self-image of the individual in relation to their organization. The lack of feedback could typically induce feelings of insignificance, through impressions of the work not being important towards an organization. Hence, if an individuals perceived role is rather minor, there will be a lac k of incentive to perform well. Since people work more for meaning and enjoyment than anything else in their lives, not providing an individual with the opportunity to learn and develop through application of meaningful tasks and feedback, will result in reduced commitment and motivation (Pfeffer, 1998). Illustrating the significance of acknowledging social needs incorporated into job-design: a case study examining the effects of improving working conditions of workers in The Western Electric Company in Hawthorne, resulted in continuous increases in production during the experiment (Mayo, 1975): clearly illustrating the positive correlation between job-design and motivation. Additionally, the bringing together of individuals placed in an autonomous team, resulted in spontaneous but consistently increasing dedication and collaboration-once again improving productivity, demonstrated that the possibility to develop relationships and achieve esprit de corps is fundamental, and of great significance (Fayol, 1949) in attaining motivation. However, even control groups seem to have improved their productivity-most likely as a result of increased perceived importance; a phenomenon, which furthermore underlines the influential impact of self-image upon motivation, generated by the perception o f work as being meaningful to the organization. Individuals involved in work whose job-design allows for major involvement and dependency through autonomy and responsibility, would typically find themselves being confident. Such an individual will have earned the respect of management, and in turn developed an increasingly prevalent self-esteem. Taking this into account, the hierarchy of needs suggests that such an individual would be motivated by having the option through commitment in achieving his fullest potential: self-actualization (Maslow, 1943). However, pre-requisites for the basic need satisfactions according to Maslow are amongst others, freedom to express ones self and freedom to investigate and seek information. Drawing on this, individuals who are not autonomous-those who are not granted this discretionary right, will never be able to undergo motivational enlightenment; in other words, jobs which do not stimulate the intrinsic aspects of job-design have significantly reduced effects in motivating individuals accordin g to Maslows theory. Consequently, it is imperative to accommodate the needs of an individual to ensure optimal productivity, by providing meaningful, appreciated autonomous work in a steady environment, and thereby avoiding the instigation of absenteeism and the free-rider problem (Knights Willmott, 2007). Therefore, when the unavoidable occurs-sub-optimal provision of intrinsic and other job-design factors, organizations must ensure that extrinsic aspects succeed for the purpose of compensating the motivational loss. For this reason, the primary source of extrinsic motivation: pay, will is now examined. Implications of pay as a motivator have long been explored, for the vital purpose of determining to what extent individuals should be rewarded for their efforts. Traditional studies, which largely focus on the self-reported importance of pay, have frequently dismissed its absolute significance as a motivator (Rynes, Gerhart, Minette, 2004). Of such nature, an extensive study performed at the Minnesota Gas Company, was conducted in order to ascertain which of the factors (advancement, benefits, company, co-workers, hours, pay, security, supervisor, type of work, working conditions) were most important to employees, and as a result would be most motivating (Jurgensen, 1978). Males ranked pay as fifth and females seventh respectively in terms of importance. However, when those exact employees were asked to attribute the same factors in order of preference from the viewpoint of a fellow worker, both males and females remarkably ranked pay as the number one factor! These discrepancies bet ween findings are suggestive of social norms dictating that money as a source of motivation is much less noble than factors involving challenging work, and ultimately contributing to society (Rynes, Gerhart, Minetta, 2004). Additionally, this example is indicative of traditional studies presenting distorted findings, thereby begging the question of how employees behaviours change in accordance with a change in pay. Hence: more conventional studies which instead examine behavioural proclivities, have largely concluded that increases in pay or introductions of individual pay incentives, have led to significant increases in production, far greater than those resulting from job enrichment procedures (Locke, et al, 1980). A meta-study of this nature, evaluated through behavioural responses, examined the effects of inducing varying motivational techniques of firstly increased pay or pay per performance, secondly setting goals and receiving feedback, thirdly employee participation in decision making, and lastly job enrichment, arrived to the conclusion that pay was the greatest motivational factor (Locke, et al, 1980). By having observed the behavioural modifications of involved individuals as opposed to subjective self-reporting information, this case-study illuminates the possibility of pay being far more significant than what Herzberg, Hackman, Maslow and Lawler claim it to be. Despite there being evidence pinpointing the absolute importance of pay as a motivator, it must be considered that its significance does in fact depend on a number of factors (Rynes, Gerhart, Minetta, 2004). Firstly, it is imperative that variability exists in pay; if this is not the case, when considering pay as a motivator, there would be no incentive to increase performance. Secondly, the effects of pay as a motivator when variability is existent, is dependent on its relative contribution to the existing wealth of an individual. Considering the implications of a billionaire receiving a raise will have ridiculously minute effects. Thus, the motivational effects of pay can be related to its relative impact in achieving varying levels on Maslows hierarchy of needs. Although traditionally assumed that pay can only satisfy lower-order needs (Lawler, 1969), it must be stressed that in contemporary actuality, pay greatly impacts an individuals perceived status, likeability, friendships, respectability and perhaps even sexual relationships. Moreover, it can be assumed that pay in the sense of allowing the accomplishment of the aforementioned much sought characteristics of man, will ultimately lead individuals being motivated by their desire for them. Especially since, descriptors attributed to characteristics are always relative to other individuals, it is vital that in the same way, the inputs of an individual-(which could potentially lead to those much desired traits through pay), relative to their outputs, are equivalent in comparison to others (Adams, 1965). If this condition is ill met, i.e. inequitable circumstances exist: an individual would have no incentive to perform well, thereby losing motivation to perform conscientiously as a result of pay. However, if an equitable environment is maintained, pay would result in motivating an individual as long as it possessed variation, and could impact status. Realistically, as pay is somewhat of a gateway to obtaining other goods, there will often be conflict involved regarding which individuals will benefit most. Variances in pay which is theoretically a determinant for motivation, is therefore met with competition to claim certain monetary rewards. The traditional method of measuring motivation, through changes in performance and output will often experience decreases, despite enhanced individual motivation: a phenomenon, explained by the undermining of teamwork and perception that certain relationships determine outcome, rather than individual input (Pfeffer, 1998). Even more so, through the lens of Marxism, pay-incentives will ultimately result in alienation from others and oneself, and could completely obstruct efficient functionality through head to head competition, instead of teamwork (Knights Willmott, 2007). Fundamentally, regardless of intrinsic and extrinsic factors being available to a specific job, motivation will be determined by an account of what rewards are possible, and are desired for completing a certain task. Hence, the reward value and the probability of that reward occurring from ones effort is what dictates motivation (Lawler, 1969). As seen, both job-design and pay can largely result in motivation, however, the effectiveness of either are established by the underlying reasons of undertaking an activity; if it is simply for the joy of participating in the work with the expectancy of improving knowledge, pay will have very limited effects in terms of motivation. However, if an individual only conducts a specific task, with the emphasis on craving monetary compensation, even job-designs offering a variety of intrinsic factors will not suffice. Especially considering that every individual will identify a different incentive for undertaking a certain activity-founded on varyin g cultures, morals and ideals, it is vital to provide a mixture of motivational inducements: namely pay, and job-design. Subsequently, as seen, job-design through controlling the extent and availability of socially responsible environments, significant and acknowledged tasks, establishment of comradeships, responsibility and discretionary rights, ultimately determines the possible levels of motivation. Consequently, if those aspects are suboptimal, an insufficient reward value for the completion of a task would be incurred. Hence, pay-which is highly probable to occur, can to some extent be used to substitute for the absent intrinsic motivational factors in job-design, which would normally satisfy the psychological needs of individuals, by instead, attaining items and relationships which could indirectly improve self-esteem and image. In this light, both job-design and pay act as complements to each other, compensating for the lack of either, and once again inherently allowing for the pursuit of a goal. Hence: it is understood that both pay and job-design share equal importance. Thereby, it is apprecia ted that single system approaches, regardless of whether their focus is on design, payà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦are just plain destructive and suicidal (Lawler, 1980, 542) and that both must be equally considered, in order to maximise potential motivation.

The Significance of Anti-visual Imagery in Story of the Eye and Un Chien Andalou. :: Movie Film Essays

The Significance of Anti-visual Imagery in Story of the Eye and Un Chien Andalou  Ã‚      The faithful alliance between the eye and the body came under severe attack with the oncoming of the first world war. The effects of trench warfare on peoples' perceptions caused them to question and reevaluate the confidence they had once put into their sense of vision. The experience of trench warfare was characterized by confusion due to not being able to see the enemy, indistinguishable shadows, gas-induced haze, and sudden spurts of blinding light (Jay 174). As a result of this lack of visual clarity, a nationalistic movement in interwar France emerged towards visual lucidity that was evident in the declining interest in Cubism and the subsequent appraisal of Purism (Silver 79). The directive of this movement was to restore a unified sense of vision that would coincide with what was desired for the reemerging postwar society. This attempt to reorganize the shattered sense of perspective, however, encountered dissonance in many of those that were involved in the war. Many of the Surrealists, including Breton, were forced to participate in the war, and their experiences in it left them disenchanted (Jay 182). The war helped to contribute to their overall feelings of nihilism and to what Breton described as their "campaign of systematic refusal". Breton elaborated on this "systematic refusal" in his essay "What Is Surrealism?" by discussing "the incredible stupidity of the arguments which attempted to legitimize our participation in such an enterprise as the war, whose issue left us completely indifferent", and defined their refusal as "against the whole series of intellectual, moral and social obligations that continually and from all sides weigh down on man and crush him." The eye was not, it seems, impervious to the scope of this "systematic refusal". Breton and his group of Surrealists perpetuated their ideas beyond the text and into the eye through the use of painting and photography, while at the same time redefining the roles of these forms of media. "Painting the impossible" is what Magritte liked to call giving "precedence to poetry over painting (Mathews 34)" In his and other Surrealist paintings there was a strong urge to challenge the integrity of the optical experience. For example, the Rumanian-born Victor Brauner had decided to paint with his eyes closed, and Magritte directly challenged speech and thought with the incorporation of his betraying titles.